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April 6, 2026

Artemis II

They passed Apollo 13's mark at lunchtime in Houston, then kept going for another five hours before reaching maximum distance.

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Two separate moments, five hours apart

At 1:56 p.m. EDT on 6 April 2026, Integrity passed 248,655 miles from Earth, exceeding the record Apollo 13 set in 1970.

The maximum came later. At about 7:02 p.m. EDT the four astronauts reached 252,756 miles (406,771 km) — 4,101 miles beyond Apollo 13 on NASA's final figures.

NASA's live page briefly reported the margin as 4,111 miles; the agency's final published distances differ by 4,101.

Behind the Moon

Two minutes before that maximum, at 7:00 p.m. EDT, Orion passed about 4,067 miles above the lunar surface during a planned communications blackout of roughly 40 minutes.

Just before the Moon cut off radio contact, pilot Victor Glover told Earth the crew would still feel its love and would see everyone on the other side.

The spacecraft flew behind the Moon but neither entered lunar orbit nor landed.

Six flashes on the dark side

The crew photographed and described far-side craters, lava flows, fractures, ridges and colour differences, and watched an Earthset followed by an Earthrise.

As the flyby ended they observed a solar eclipse and reported six flashes, interpreted as meteoroids striking the Moon's unlit surface.

The astronauts proposed names for two small craters, Integrity and Carroll — the latter for Commander Wiseman's late wife — but NASA said formal proposals would still have to go to the International Astronomical Union.

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What the sources leave uncertain

  • NASA's live page briefly stated that the crew was 4,111 miles beyond Apollo 13, but NASA's final figures—252,756 and 248,655 miles—differ by 4,101 miles. The final figures should control.
  • The crater names were suggestions, not official names on April 6.

Checked against

AD 43

Church of Alexandria

The listed year has nothing behind it. The competing traditional dates are roughly 43, 49 and 61 — and none of them is 65.

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No tradition puts it in 65

No independently verifiable event can be assigned to 65 at all, and there is no secure first-century documentation of Mark visiting Alexandria in any year.

Coptic and Greek Orthodox institutional tradition dates his arrival and the foundation of the Alexandrian church to approximately 43 CE. Other strands propose 49 or 61.

Eusebius's own numbers do not line up

Writing in the fourth century and introducing the claim with "they say," Eusebius reports that Mark was sent to Egypt, preached his Gospel and first established churches in Alexandria.

His other chronological notice makes Anianus Mark's successor in Nero's eighth year, conventionally 62. That conflicts both with a 65 foundation and with the later tradition placing Mark's death in 68.

"First in Africa" is not demonstrable

The claim that this was the first Christian community in all of Africa cannot be shown from the surviving evidence, and the earliest explicit attribution of Alexandria's church to Mark is centuries later than the alleged event.

Mark's link to Peter is earlier and better attested than his link to Alexandria — Papias's surviving testimony calls Mark Peter's interpreter — but that does not establish the Egyptian mission.

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Traditional date. Conventionally dated here; the research places it at ~0043.

What the sources leave uncertain

  • There is no secure first-century documentation of Mark visiting Alexandria.
  • The traditional dates conflict: approximately 43/44 in official Coptic and Greek Orthodox accounts, 49 in some modern summaries, and 61 in another strand of Coptic chronology.
  • Eusebius's succession notice points to approximately 62, while later Coptic tradition dates Mark's martyrdom to 68.
  • Because the alleged event has neither a secure year nor an exact day, 43 is reported only as the principal institutional traditional date.

Checked against

AD 50

Council of Jerusalem

The argument was tested on one man's body. Paul says the Greek companion standing beside him, Titus, was not forced to be circumcised.

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One meeting, several years to choose from

The New Catholic Encyclopedia reconstruction puts the gathering at about 50 CE. Dunn's survey of Pauline chronology found 48–49 preferred by the majority, and reference works also give 48, 49 or occasionally 51.

This is the same historical meeting that appears in the corpus under 49 — adjacent approximate years for one event, not two councils.

Paul's own account is shorter and different

Galatians says Titus, a Greek, was not compelled to be circumcised, and that James, Cephas and John formally recognized Paul and Barnabas's mission to Gentiles. Paul remembers a handshake, not a vote.

Whether Galatians 2 and Acts 15 describe precisely the same visit remains disputed. The two accounts agree about Gentile freedom from circumcision but differ markedly in presentation, and Paul does not recite the four-part decree at all.

What the decision did not do

The ruling concerned Gentile Christians. It did not declare that Jewish Christians must abandon Mosaic observance, and it did not complete Christianity's separation from Judaism in a single day.

"First council" is a label that can misleadingly suggest a later episcopal or ecumenical institution. The USCCB commentary further argues that Acts may combine a circumcision decision with a separate dietary decree into one narrative.

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Date disputed. Sources disagree; the research places it at ~0050.

What the sources leave uncertain

  • The year is reconstructed from Pauline chronology. Reference works variously give 48, 49, about 50, or occasionally 51.
  • This sheet and slug 0049-first-apostolic-council-in-jerusalem-approximate-date describe the same historical meeting under adjacent approximate years and should not be treated as separate councils.
  • Whether Galatians 2 and Acts 15 describe precisely the same visit remains disputed.
  • The USCCB commentary argues that Acts may combine a circumcision decision with a separate dietary decree.

Checked against

AD 57

Epistle to the Romans

The letter never names Corinth. The city is an inference, assembled from a host, a port-town minister and a city treasurer in the closing greetings.

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56, 57, or the winter between them

Paul composed Romans in Greece near the end of his eastern missionary work. Sources place that variously in AD 56–57, or within the broader AD 56–58 window.

The year 56 is plausible, particularly as part of the winter of 56–57. It is not an independently verified calendar-year event.

Why the reconstruction says Corinth

The letter establishes that Paul was in Greece. Corinth is a strong inference, not an explicit place-and-date colophon.

The closing greetings name Gaius as Paul's host and Erastus as the city treasurer. Erastus's identification with similarly named Corinthians in other sources is uncertain, and Romans 16:23 establishes only that Gaius hosted Paul — not the room or building in which the text was produced.

What the letter says about its own moment

Paul stated that the collection from Macedonia and Achaia was ready, and that he would carry it to impoverished believers in Jerusalem before travelling through Rome toward Spain. Tertius, who performed the writing, inserted his own greeting.

A later manuscript subscript naming Corinth and Phoebe is not contemporary testimony, and should not be treated as the foundation of the reconstruction.

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Date disputed. Sources disagree; the research places it at ~0057.

What the sources leave uncertain

  • The year 56 is plausible, particularly as part of the winter of 56–57, but it is not an independently verified calendar-year event.
  • The letter says Paul was in Greece; Corinth is a strong inference rather than an explicit place-and-date colophon.
  • Tertius's exact freedom as a secretary cannot be reconstructed from his brief greeting.
  • Phoebe probably conveyed the letter, but Romans only explicitly commends her and asks the recipients to assist her.

Checked against

AD 250

Maya civilization

The conventional Classic period starts around 250 — yet a newly analysed Maya monument carries a Long Count corresponding to 180.

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300 belongs to an older convention

There was no single event in 300 that made Maya civilization "Classic." Archaeologists conventionally place the transition around 250 CE, while recognizing substantial regional variation.

Common schemes use about 250; others use 250/300, and some regional sequences keep 300. The label describes an archaeological and historical period, not a self-declared Maya era.

A monument that arrives too early

The period is associated with the increasingly widespread erection of monuments carrying Long Count dates — not with the sudden creation of cities, writing or kingship, all of which have Preclassic antecedents.

New work on El Palmar Stela 46 identifies a Maya Lowlands Long Count of 8.7.1.0.0, corresponding to 180 CE. Even dated Long Count monuments can predate the conventional boundary.

There was no single Maya state

Classic Maya politics comprised multiple powerful kingdoms, among them Tikal, Calakmul, Palenque and Copán. No one of them ruled the whole Maya world continuously.

Calakmul and the Kaanu'l dynasty built an extensive alliance network and eclipsed Tikal during part of the Classic period.

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Date disputed. Sources disagree; the research places it at ~0250.

What the sources leave uncertain

  • The starting boundary is conventional: common schemes use about 250, while others use 250/300 or retain 300 for particular regional sequences.
  • The existence of Long Count monuments before 250 shows that no single diagnostic trait creates a clean boundary.
  • Conversions of Maya Long Count dates can differ by a day or two depending on correlation and modern calendar convention; 292 is secure enough for Stela 29, but exact July dates vary in publications.
  • 'Classic' describes an archaeological and historical period, not a self-declared Maya era.

Checked against

AD 400

Confessions (Augustine)

The supposed 398 finish has no colophon, letter or eyewitness behind it — it is a point selected from a disputed range.

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398 is a pick, not a record

No primary source and no scholarly consensus fixes the completion of the Confessions in 398.

Catholic University of America Press dates the work broadly to 397–400, while the Cambridge Companion allows that composition could have continued until 400 or 401.

Depending on the model chosen, completion may fall in 397, 398, 400 or as late as 401.

The model decides the year

The Cambridge survey explains that proposed divisions between Books 1–10 and 11–13, or other compositional groupings, produce different completion chronologies.

James J. O’Donnell argued that rhetorical and stylistic unity favoured composition as a single unit in 397; the Cambridge Companion calls that conclusion less compelling than the internal evidence for an early start.

Augustine’s later Retractations confirms the completed work’s thirteen-book form but supplies no completion day or year.

Where the book actually ends

A modern publication model — finished manuscript, release date, immediate readership — cannot simply be imposed on late-antique composition and circulation.

No publication ceremony, circulation notice or contemporary reaction can be tied to 398.

The end of the life story is not the end of the book: Books 10 to 13 turn toward memory, time, creation and scriptural interpretation.

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Date disputed. Sources disagree; the research places it at ~0400.

What the sources leave uncertain

  • The best-supported answer is a range, not a single year.
  • Depending on the compositional model, completion may fall in 397, 398, 400, or as late as 401.
  • Using approximately 400 is a cataloguing convenience and must not be mistaken for a documented date.

Checked against

AD 426

The City of God

Augustine’s distribution instructions told Firmus to lend the manuscript to only one or two copyists at a time, who would then pass copies onward.

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Completion, not a launch

At Hippo Regius, Augustine brought the long composition of De civitate Dei to its complete twenty-two-book form. The Stanford Encyclopedia dates completion to 426.

What happened was completion and dissemination of a work whose individual books and installments had already circulated for years — not a publication launch in the modern sense.

The date is reconstructed rather than recorded: O’Donnell says the work was complete by Augustine’s Retractations of 426/427, while some scholars have proposed that all twenty-two books were finished around 422 and others date portions as late as 425–429.

Instructions to Firmus

Augustine sent the complete work to Firmus in Carthage after rereading it, and supplied instructions for dividing and copying its twenty-two books.

It was too bulky for a single codex, so he proposed either two volumes — ten books and twelve — or five smaller ones.

He named Cyprian as the associate whose persistence helped get the reread books sent to Firmus.

A chain of copyists

Augustine asked Firmus to let one or two people at a time copy the books that Christians in Carthage did not yet possess, after which those copyists could pass the text to others.

Carthaginian readers could now obtain the missing portions by hand-copying Firmus’s exemplar, and the entire twenty-two-book text could circulate as a coherent work.

“Published” is anachronistic here if it implies printing, a commercial edition or simultaneous release.

Researched 23 Aug 2026 4 sources not yet audited Date disputed

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Date disputed. Sources disagree; the research places it at ~0426.

What the sources leave uncertain

  • The exact completion date is reconstructed rather than recorded as a publication day.
  • The Stanford Encyclopedia gives 426; O’Donnell says the work was complete by Augustine’s Retractations of 426/427, while noting divergent scholarly chronologies for some later books.
  • Some scholars have proposed that all 22 books were finished earlier, around 422; others date portions as late as 425–429. The complete work was certainly in Augustine’s retrospective account by 426/427.
  • ‘Published’ is anachronistic if it implies printing, a commercial edition or simultaneous release. Manuscript books circulated separately and were copied by hand.

Checked against

AD 432

Saint Patrick

The best contemporary witness to Patrick’s mission is Patrick himself — and he never supplies its starting year.

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A consecration nobody recorded

No surviving contemporary evidence fixes Patrick’s consecration, his return to Ireland or any particular missionary action to 432. The year comes from later Irish annalistic tradition.

His own Confessio establishes that he eventually worked in Ireland as a bishop, but supplies no calendar year for the start of that episcopal mission.

No reliable contemporary evidence names the bishop who consecrated him or locates the ceremony at Auxerre, Turin or anywhere else, and a commemoration of the ordinatio Patricii on 6 April does not securely establish the date.

Cumulative claims, not a year’s work

Patrick says his work produced many thousands of baptisms, and clergy ordained for new Christian communities.

Those are cumulative claims about a whole mission, not events independently datable to 432.

He gives no exact total, and he does not claim to have converted every Irish person or completed the conversion of the island.

What the later Lives added

Patrick’s authentic writings mention no shamrock, no snakes, no Tara and no confrontation with druids; those episodes belong to seventh-century and later traditions.

Two works are generally accepted as authentic: the Confessio and the Letter to the soldiers of Coroticus.

Scholarly reconstructions place him in different parts of the fifth century, with proposed death dates including 461 and about 492 or 493.

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Date disputed. Sources disagree; the research places it at ~0432.

What the sources leave uncertain

  • The 432 date is traditional rather than contemporary. The Irish annals that preserve it were compiled later, while Patrick's own writings give no dates.
  • Scholarly reconstructions place Patrick in different parts of the fifth century; proposed death dates include 461 and about 492/493.
  • A commemoration of the ordinatio Patricii on 6 April does not securely establish the date of his episcopal consecration.
  • No reliable contemporary evidence identifies the bishop who consecrated Patrick or locates the ceremony at Auxerre, Turin or elsewhere.

Checked against

1099

Siege of Jerusalem (1099)

As killing spread through Jerusalem, one group survived because its commander struck a bargain at the city's last stronghold.

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The Tower of David holds out

After crusaders entered Jerusalem on 15 July 1099, defenders continued resisting near Mount Zion and in the citadel known as the Tower of David.

This was the surrender of a remaining citadel after the walls had already been breached — not an orderly surrender of the whole city before an assault.

Raymond of Aguilers reports that the people in the Tower sought Count Raymond IV of Toulouse's protection and surrendered the stronghold to him.

Safe conduct to Ascalon

The Gesta Francorum says Raymond had the emir and his companions conducted safely and unharmed to Ascalon.

Modern scholarship identifies the departing emir as Iftikhar al-Dawla, Jerusalem's Fatimid governor, accompanied by surviving soldiers and inhabitants.

The same crusader sources that celebrate indiscriminate slaughter also record Raymond keeping his promise of safe conduct.

What the accounts will not confirm

The city's capture on Friday, 15 July is secure; the exact timing of the citadel's surrender is not. Latin accounts connect it closely to the breakthrough, while Ibn al-Athir's later account says the defenders held out for three days.

Near-contemporary Latin accounts describe protection and safe conduct, but they do not substantiate the claim that Iftikhar paid a great sum of treasure for his life.

Surviving sources disagree sharply over the number of defenders, inhabitants and victims; no reliable casualty total can be verified.

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Date disputed. Sources disagree; the research places it at 1099-07-15.

What the sources leave uncertain

  • The city’s capture on Friday, 15 July 1099 is secure, but the exact timing of the citadel’s surrender is not. Latin accounts connect it closely to the breakthrough; Ibn al-Athir’s later account says the defenders held out for three days.
  • Near-contemporary Latin accounts describe protection and safe conduct but do not substantiate the listed claim that Iftikhar paid a great sum of treasure for his life.
  • Surviving sources disagree sharply over the number of defenders, inhabitants, and victims. No reliable casualty total can be verified.

Checked against

June 11, 1144

Basilica of Saint-Denis

The king did more than watch: Louis VII carried Saint Denis's relics on his own shoulders through the consecration procession.

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11 June 1144: the east end is dedicated

On 11 June 1144 the newly built eastern end of the abbey church of Saint-Denis — choir, chevet, ambulatory and radiating chapels — was consecrated. This was not the completion of the entire basilica.

Louis VII, Eleanor of Aquitaine, senior clergy, nobles, monks and lay crowds attended the ceremony north of Paris.

The monument authority reports 24 bishops and archbishops present.

Relics on the king's shoulders

During the rites, relics attributed to Denis, Rusticus and Eleutherius were carried in procession and translated from the crypt into the new liturgical setting.

Louis VII personally carried Denis's relics on his shoulders. Suger says the ceremony's timing was agreed with the king, who wished to see the martyr-relics.

Bishops consecrated the new chancel and its altars while the king and his nobles helped hold back the pressing crowd at the entrances.

A new east end on an older church

The new eastern liturgical space entered use, and the saints' relics acquired a prominent setting within it.

The word Gothic was not the name Suger or the consecration's participants used for the new work; it is a retrospective art-historical classification. The more careful formulation is that this ambulatory is widely treated as the first coherent articulation of that architectural grammar.

The older Carolingian nave still stood between Suger's eastern and western additions.

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December 11, 1241

Ögedei Khan

The emergency election that supposedly called the Mongols home did not produce a new Great Khan for five years.

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11 December 1241

Ögedei, Great Khan of the Mongol Empire, died on 11 December 1241 after returning from a hunting expedition and consuming an excessive quantity of wine. Persian and Chinese traditions converge on the date and the drinking episode.

Juvayni's account says he died in his sleep. Accusations of poisoning circulated, and the sources differ over the final gathering and its attendants.

The evidence supports alcohol excess as central to the episode, but “died of alcohol poisoning” is a modern diagnosis it cannot prove.

No successor for five years

The death left no newly elected Great Khan and opened a succession crisis that became a five-year interregnum.

Ögedei had preferred his grandson Shiremun as successor. His widow Töregene assumed the regency instead, and ultimately secured the election of her own son Güyük in 1246.

It did not stop the campaign

Mongol forces continued operations west of the Danube in early 1242, and Rashid al-Din says news of the death had not yet reached the western princes when Kadan left Dalmatia that April.

The story that every prince rushed back to Mongolia is wrong in Batu's case: he did not immediately return or take part in a prompt election. The papal envoy Carpine later needed about three and a half months just to travel from the Volga to the Great Khan's camp.

No Mongol source gives a reason for the withdrawal; political, military, strategic, logistical, environmental and climatic explanations continue to be debated.

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What the sources leave uncertain

  • The date is unusually well supported for a thirteenth-century Mongol event: Persian and Chinese traditions converge on 11 December 1241.
  • Sources differ over the final gathering and attendants, and accusations of poisoning circulated. Modern scholarship generally treats excessive drinking as central while rejecting certainty about a specific medical mechanism.
  • The causal relationship between Ögedei’s death and the 1242 Mongol withdrawal from Hungary remains disputed. Rashid al-Din says news had not yet reached the western princes when Kadan left Dalmatia in April 1242.
  • No Mongol source gives a reason for the withdrawal. Political, military, strategic, logistical, environmental, and climatic explanations continue to be debated.

Checked against

1275

Polynesian settlement of New Zealand

The date on this entry is the upper end of a radiocarbon range for one cooking-and-discard feature at a single village — not a dated first landing anywhere in the country.

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What 1350 is measuring

The year 1350 is the top of a date range for one activity feature at Te Pokohiwi-o-Kupe/Wairau Bar. It is not the best current estimate for the latest likely settlement of New Zealand as a whole.

There was no single datable settlement day. Polynesian voyagers established sustained communities in Aotearoa New Zealand across the late thirteenth or early fourteenth century.

Archaeology cannot identify one arrival day, one canoe or one nationwide founding event.

Two islands, modelled separately

A 2022 nationwide radiocarbon analysis describes mid-to-late-thirteenth-century settlement as unambiguous. It models settlement in the North Island at AD 1250–1275 and in the South Island at AD 1280–1295.

Site-specific work often places Wairau Bar itself in the first decades of the fourteenth century, so the national model and the individual sites do not line up neatly.

Ash from the Mount Tarawera eruption around 1314 — the Kaharoa tephra — gives a dated layer against which archaeological and environmental deposits can be compared.

What the settlers changed

At Wairau Bar they built a permanent village with deep-water access, burials, food remains and artefacts demonstrating direct connections with tropical East Polynesia.

By about 1300, widespread charcoal and vegetation changes indicate that permanent settlers were burning forests for cultivation, living space and bracken growth.

Kiore, the Pacific rat, could only have reached New Zealand with people — though the very early rat-bone dates once proposed have proved controversial.

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Date disputed. Sources disagree; the research places it at ~1275.

What the sources leave uncertain

  • Archaeology cannot identify one arrival day, one canoe or one nationwide founding event.
  • The 2022 large-dataset model favors North Island settlement in AD 1250–1275, while site-specific work often places Wairau Bar in the first decades of the fourteenth century.
  • The listed year 1350 is the upper end of a date range for one Wairau Bar feature, not the best current “latest likely date” for settlement of New Zealand as a whole.
  • Calling the first settlers Māori is understandable but slightly retrospective; archaeologists often call them ancestral Polynesians because Māori culture developed in Aotearoa.

Checked against