The commemorated start date is challenged by the Red Army’s own crossing plan, which scheduled the main Yudu operation for 17–19 October — and the marchers were hauling printing presses and an X-ray machine.
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By 16 October 1934 the withdrawal had been running for nearly a week: Communist forces were already moving southwest out of the Jiangxi Soviet under secret orders issued on 10 October.
A Xinhua report based on the PLA Archives says some troops and baggage began crossing the Yudu River on the night of 16 October, ahead of the formally scheduled main crossing. The archival plan set that main operation from the night of the 17th until 5 a.m. on the 19th, across about seven crossing sectors.
An archivist concluded that 17 October should be treated as the main crossing date, even though some units went over on the 16th.
Not the PLA, and not yet Mao’s march
The force was the First Front, or Central, Red Army — the Chinese Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army. The People’s Liberation Army did not exist under that name in 1934; the term appeared during the later civil war, standardized by a November 1948 Central Military Commission order.
Bo Gu and the Comintern adviser Otto Braun had made the decision to abandon the base, and Zhou Enlai helped execute it. Mao Zedong crossed with part of the Military Commission column on the 18th; his ascendancy came later, at the January 1935 Zunyi Conference.
What went across the river
Roughly 87,000 troops left with the First Front Red Army. The column moved chiefly at night and carried not only weapons but printing presses, an X-ray machine, money, wounded personnel and sick leaders.
About 16,000 personnel stayed near Ruijin as a rearguard, to delay the Nationalists and conceal the withdrawal.
There was no fixed destination of Yan’an: the initial objective was to move southwest and link with He Long’s forces in or near Hunan.
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Date disputed. Sources disagree; the research places it at ~1934-10-16.
What the sources leave uncertain
The date depends on what is defined as the beginning. Marching orders and unit movements began on October 10; some accounts use October 14–16 for the breakout; October 16 is the traditional commemorative date.
The PLA Archives crossing plan began on October 17. An archivist concluded that October 17 should be treated as the main crossing date, although some troops and baggage crossed on the night of the 16th.
The withdrawal later called the Long March comprised several Communist armies and movements extending into 1936; October 16 applies specifically to the Central/First Front Red Army's Jiangxi breakout.
The date is right and the event is wrong: conscription had already been restored on 16 March. What the cabinet approved at 4:15 p.m. on 21 May was the machinery to run it.
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The listing treats 21 May 1935 as the day Hitler announced the return of conscription. He had done that on 16 March, when the Law for the Organization of the Armed Forces proclaimed compulsory service and a 36-division, 12-corps army.
That March law instructed the defense minister to submit detailed implementing legislation immediately. The Wehrgesetz of 21 May supplied it — the personnel, command and service framework, not the announcement.
What the cabinet approved at 4:15 p.m.
At a ministerial meeting beginning at 4:15 p.m., the Reich cabinet approved the Wehrgesetz and ordered it published. The law declared every German man liable for military service and defined the Wehrmacht as comprising the Heer, Kriegsmarine and Luftwaffe.
Liability ran from age 18 through the 31 March following a man’s 45th birthday, with normal call-up in the calendar year he turned 20.
The same statute made Hitler supreme commander, with command exercised under him through the defense minister, whose office became the Reich War Ministry.
Published the next morning
The law appeared in the Reichsgesetzblatt on 22 May, accompanied by implementing measures fixing a 12-month term of active service.
The breach of the Treaty of Versailles was explicit rather than implied: Article 173 had required Germany to abolish universal compulsory service.
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What the sources leave uncertain
The date is secure for the Wehrgesetz, but the listed event conflates two acts: conscription was publicly restored on March 16; the detailed Wehrgesetz was adopted on May 21 and issued on May 22.
Sources differ on which enactment should be treated as the formal renaming of the Reichswehr. The March law already used 'Wehrmacht'; the May law comprehensively defined its branches and command system.
On 27 May 1935 the Supreme Court announced its decision in A.L.A. Schechter Poultry Corp. v. United States, reversing the federal convictions of the Brooklyn poultry defendants.
Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes wrote that Section 3 of the National Industrial Recovery Act delegated legislative power without adequate standards. Justice Benjamin Cardozo concurred, joined by Justice Harlan Fiske Stone, agreeing that the delegated code-making authority lacked meaningful limits.
The judgment was unanimous, 9–0.
Chickens that had come to rest
The Court separately held that the challenged hours, wages and local poultry-sale rules could not stand under the Commerce Clause. The birds had come to permanent rest in New York, so the Schechters’ local transactions affected interstate commerce only indirectly.
The interstate journey mattered: 96 percent of live poultry marketed in New York City arrived from other states, and the Schechters typically resold within 24 hours. The holding was that this particular journey had already ended.
What the nickname obscures
The indictment ran to 60 counts; the trial court dismissed 27 and acquitted on 14. Ten straight-killing conviction counts and one unfit-chicken count reached review — and that single count supplied the nickname.
‘Straight killing’ was chiefly a straight-selling rule requiring buyers to take the run of a coop except for culls, not a mandated slaughter technique. No religious-liberty claim was decided.
The ruling disabled the mandatory National Recovery Administration code system, and federal compliance and enforcement procedures were consequently abolished.
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The frequently repeated Brandeis remark about ending federal centralization comes from a 1939 recollection by Thomas Corcoran, not a contemporaneous transcript of the decision day.
Contemporary reports that approximately 500 pending code cases would be dropped are plausible but should be labeled as newspaper reports, not as a number established by the Court's opinion.
Only three battalions actually crossed to the west bank of the Rhine that morning. Crowds welcomed them; France moved troops to its own border and stopped there.
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German Wehrmacht units entered the demilitarized zone on 7 March 1936, with three battalions crossing to the west bank of the Rhine, where crowds welcomed them.
The zone was a precisely defined treaty area — the west bank plus a 50-kilometre strip east of the river — rather than everywhere loosely called the Rhineland. Versailles Articles 42 and 43 had created it, and Locarno subsequently guaranteed the arrangement.
The initial entry met no armed resistance.
Hitler tells the Reichstag sovereignty is restored
Hitler addressed the Reichstag the same day, denounced the Locarno arrangement and declared that Germany had restored full sovereignty in the demilitarized zone.
He justified the move as a response to the Franco-Soviet Treaty of Mutual Assistance while simultaneously offering negotiations, including a new nonaggression arrangement.
The counting problem, and the response
Troop totals differ because sources count different places and times: three battalions on the west bank on 7 March, roughly 30,000 troops across the wider treaty zone, and a U.S. military attaché’s estimate of 40,000–45,000 — about three divisions — present by 9 March.
Britain and France condemned the action. France moved troops toward its border but did not enter the zone, and neither power intervened militarily; within days the initial entry expanded into a much larger occupation.
The much-quoted remark that the Germans would have withdrawn ‘with our tails between our legs’ is described by the USHMM as reported speech, not a record made on 7 March, and historians dispute what the German withdrawal orders actually required.
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What the sources leave uncertain
Troop totals differ because sources count different places and times: three battalions crossed to the west bank on March 7, approximately 30,000 troops entered the wider treaty zone, and a U.S. attaché estimated 40,000–45,000 would be present by March 9.
The often-quoted later remark that Germany would have withdrawn 'with our tails between our legs' is explicitly described by the USHMM as reported speech. It supports the view that German resources were inadequate for substantial resistance, but it is not a record made on March 7.
Historians have disputed whether German plans required complete capitulation if France moved. Evidence also supports a planned withdrawal toward the Rhine followed by resistance. Therefore, 'the French army alone could have destroyed the Wehrmacht' is too categorical and much broader than the sourced claim.
The document that lent its name to a vast wartime coalition was confidential, only nine points long, and signed two days before the date the listing gives.
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The protocol carries its own date, and it is 23 October 1936 — the listing's 25 October is wrong. German foreign minister Konstantin von Neurath and his Italian counterpart Galeazzo Ciano signed it in Berlin after two days of talks.
It was Ciano's first foreign trip since taking the office. Hitler met him at Berchtesgaden after the protocol was concluded.
Nine points of coordinated policy
The two governments agreed to coordinate policy on a proposed Western Pact, the League of Nations, communist propaganda, Austria, Spain, international economic conferences, colonies, raw materials, the Danube region and occupied Ethiopia.
On Spain, they agreed to recognize the Nationalist government de facto as soon as possible and to coordinate any later de jure recognition.
One provision traded German recognition of Italy's annexation of Ethiopia for an economic arrangement giving German business access to the occupied colony.
Where the word 'axis' actually came from
Nothing called the Axis powers was created that night. The protocol imposed no mutual military-defense obligation, and scholars stress it was not a military alliance.
Mussolini supplied the metaphor nine days later, on 1 November in Milan, presenting an axis around which willing states could collaborate. The formal German-Italian alliance waited for the Pact of Steel in 1939, and the three-power grouping for the Tripartite Pact in 1940.
A separate German-Japanese Anti-Comintern agreement was initialled in Berlin the same day and signed on 25 November — an easy source of the mistaken claim that a three-power Axis already existed.
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Date corrected. The research places this at 1936-10-23.
What the sources leave uncertain
The listed date, 25 October, is wrong. The protocol itself is dated and was signed on 23 October 1936.
“Creation of the Axis” is an interpretive shorthand. Scholars emphasize that the protocol was not a military alliance; the Pact of Steel formalized the German-Italian alliance in 1939, and the Tripartite Pact brought Germany, Italy and Japan together in 1940.
The girl was admitted on 4 December and went home alive on Christmas Day. Almost every other detail in the listing — the exact date, the world-first claim, the 99% figure — does not survive checking.
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A girl was admitted to Sydenham Hospital in Baltimore on 4 December 1936 with fever, headache and a stiff neck, and was diagnosed with streptococcal meningitis. Conventional serum therapy produced no response.
Francis Schwentker's team then administered sulfanilamide, and the physicians reported rapid clinical improvement. The girl survived and was discharged on 25 December, becoming Sydenham's first recorded survivor of streptococcal meningitis.
The specific date of 7 December is not securely established by the scholarly sources consulted; the documented chronology is admission on the 4th, treatment after serum failed, and discharge on the 25th.
Not the first in the world
The claim of a world first does not hold. Caussé, Loiseau and Gisselbrecht had already reported a French recovery from streptococcal meningitis after Prontosil treatment in February 1936.
What the Baltimore case can defensibly be called is the first American pediatric sulfanilamide trial for meningitis, and Sydenham's first streptococcal-meningitis survivor.
The 99 percent that wasn’t
A contemporary literature review estimated mortality at at least 97 percent, not 99, and documented 66 earlier recoveries. Sydenham itself reported roughly 30 percent mortality under its pre-sulfa serum protocol.
Prontosil and sulfanilamide are related but not identical: Prontosil is metabolized into the active compound sulfanilamide, which Paul Gelmo had first synthesized in 1908.
Schwentker's better-known series of meningococcal cases — a different disease — was published in April 1937.
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Date disputed. Sources disagree; the research places it at 1936-12.
What the sources leave uncertain
The exact date 7 December is not securely established by the scholarly sources consulted. The best documented chronology is admission on 4 December, treatment after serum failed, and discharge on 25 December.
The “first successful treatment” claim is false if meant worldwide. A French case treated with the sulfonamide drug Prontosil had already been reported in February 1936.
The Sydenham case can defensibly be described as the first American pediatric sulfanilamide trial for meningitis and Sydenham’s first streptococcal-meningitis survivor.
The most famous image of an air raid contains neither an airplane nor a bomb — and a camera watched every figure Picasso added and removed on the way there.
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Picasso finished Guernica on 4 June 1937 at his Paris studio, concluding work begun on 1 May. The month-only listing hides that date.
The finished mural was oil on canvas, 349.3 by 776.6 centimetres — more than seven and a half metres wide — made for the Spanish Republic's pavilion at the Paris International Exposition.
The Republic had commissioned a work for the pavilion; after seeing press photographs and reports of the German aerial attack on Gernika of 26 April, Picasso abandoned his earlier ideas and made the bombing the catalyst.
Dora Maar's camera in the studio
Dora Maar documented the painting's changing composition from 11 May through 4 June. The Museo Reina Sofía holds 28 photographs from the series.
The record shows figures removed, poses altered, and experiments abandoned along the way — unusually detailed evidence of how the canvas arrived at its final state.
Finished, but not yet seen
The canvas carries no literal aircraft and no bombs. The Museo Reina Sofía describes it as transcending the specific event into a broader indictment of war.
It did not meet the public on the day it was completed. The International Exposition had already opened on 24 May, but the Spanish Pavilion was still under construction and did not open until 12 July.
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Date corrected. The research places this at 1937-06-04.
What the sources leave uncertain
Authoritative museum catalogues independently identify 4 June 1937 as the completion date.
Some accounts loosely say that the painting was moved to the pavilion on 4 June. Other documentation places its transfer or installation later in June, so same-day movement should not be asserted without qualification.
The Politburo budgeted 75 million rubles for the operation — a third of it earmarked simply to move prisoners by rail — and set the arrests to begin five days later.
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On 31 July 1937 the Soviet Politburo confirmed the NKVD plan for punishing “former kulaks, criminals and other anti-Soviet elements.” Nikolai Yezhov had signed the order itself the previous day, 30 July.
Stalin had set it in motion on 2 July, instructing regional leaders to submit within five days their estimates of how many alleged kulaks and criminals should be executed or imprisoned.
The confirmed plan scheduled arrests to begin on 5 August across most of the USSR, 10 August in four Central Asian republics and 15 August in designated eastern territories, with completion ordered within four months.
Two categories, both euphemisms
Category I meant execution by shooting after review by a troika; Category II meant eight to ten years in a camp, or in some cases prison. The initial allocation covered 268,950 people: 75,950 to be shot and 193,000 to be imprisoned.
The regional troikas typically brought together the NKVD chief, party secretary and prosecutor. They were not courts — the accused and defense counsel were absent — and execution dates and places were to remain secret.
Rubles, railcars and camp capacity
The Politburo authorized 75 million rubles, of which 25 million was reserved for railway charges, plus new camp capacity and the use of Category II prisoners on construction and timber projects.
Quotas were nominally provisional limits rather than minimums, but officials repeatedly requested and received increases, with Yezhov empowered to consider them.
The four-month plan ran until November 1938. Troikas under Order 00447 ultimately condemned 767,397 people and imposed 386,798 death sentences.
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What the sources leave uncertain
Three dates must be kept distinct: Yezhov’s order is dated 30 July, the Politburo confirmed it on 31 July, and implementation began on 5 August in most regions.
Published totals differ slightly because of transcription, aggregation and rounding. Jansen and Petrov give 268,950 initially targeted, including 75,950 executions; Nicolas Werth rounds these to approximately 269,100 and 76,000.
Later totals based on central NKVD statistics omit deaths during interrogation and unauthorized executions; some historians therefore estimate a higher final toll.
The conventional starting point of a three-month battle was a bridge about sixty feet long — and contemporary accounts still disagree about who fired first.
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Fighting began on 13 August 1937 near the Japanese Naval Landing Party headquarters and at Bazi — Eight Character — Bridge in northern Shanghai. Contemporary accounts disagree about which side fired first; the Tokyo tribunal record notes that the Japanese and Chinese versions contradicted one another.
Around 3 p.m., troops of China's 88th Division under Major Yi Jin reached the bridge, fired on a Japanese detachment establishing positions there, and took it. Japanese artillery then shelled the Chinese troops.
From skirmish to artillery battle by nightfall
The U.S. consul general, Clarence E. Gauss, reported artillery fire in northeastern Shanghai from 4 p.m.; by 8 p.m. it had spread toward the civic-center area.
By late afternoon two Japanese warships in the Huangpu River were shelling Chinese positions.
The troops initially engaged on the Japanese side were naval infantry — about 3,000 personnel reported as responsible for guarding roughly 30,000 Japanese residents.
What the 13th was not
The Ōyama incident of 9 August — the disputed death of a Japanese naval sub-lieutenant near Hongqiao airfield — raised tension sharply, and about 30 Japanese warships concentrated at Shanghai within roughly 48 hours. But the tribunal found its details contradictory and observed that Japan did not cite it to justify the later campaign.
A Joint Commission meeting on 12 August produced mutual promises not to attack, and no settlement.
Chiang Kai-shek's larger coordinated air and ground offensive came on 14 August; 13 August is conventionally and officially treated as the battle's opening, and Japan announced on 15 August that two army divisions would be dispatched.
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What the sources leave uncertain
Responsibility for the first shots remains disputed. The Tokyo tribunal record says Japanese and Chinese versions contradicted one another.
August 13 is conventionally and officially treated as the battle's opening, although China's larger coordinated air and ground offensive followed on August 14.
Contemporary Chinese reports alleged Japanese poison-gas use later in the battle, supported by medical observations, but subsequent legal treatment of the Shanghai allegations was contested; it should not be presented as an uncontested August 13 fact.
The fish was still alive when the trawl net brought it up. Then the Christmas post delayed the one letter that could identify it by ten days, while the specimen decomposed.
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The listed date of 23 December is not supported. J. L. B. Smith's original 1939 announcement in Nature explicitly gives 22 December 1938 as the capture date.
A trawl net brought up a living, unfamiliar fish at a depth of about 40 fathoms several miles west of East London, South Africa. It died shortly after capture.
Captain Hendrik Goosen and his crew did not recognize its scientific importance, but alerted the local museum because of its unusual appearance.
A sketch posted into the Christmas mail
The catch went to Marjorie Courtenay-Latimer, curator of the East London Museum, who found a roughly 1.5-metre fish with vivid blue scales and fleshy fins. She made a sketch and sent it with descriptive notes to the ichthyologist J. L. B. Smith.
The letter took ten days to reach him. The museum had no adequate preserving equipment, so the decomposing internal body was discarded and a local taxidermist mounted what remained.
Smith did not inspect and conclusively identify the mounted specimen in person until February 1939.
Which family, and whose discovery
Smith named the species for the curator and the reported capture locality: Latimeria chalumnae. Modern Latimeria belongs to the family Latimeriidae — not the extinct family Coelacanthidae under which the article was filed.
Coelacanths had been inferred absent from the fossil record for roughly 70–80 million years, a disappearance museum sources place near the end of the Cretaceous rather than in the Jurassic.
The find was new to Western science, not to everyone: Comorian fishers already knew the fish as gombessa.
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Date corrected. The research places this at 1938-12-22.
What the sources leave uncertain
The listed December 23 date is not supported by Smith's original 1939 announcement, which explicitly gives December 22.
Accounts describe the locality variously as near the Chalumna River mouth and as several miles west of East London. Smith's original report gives the latter wording and about 40 fathoms of depth.
The catch and Courtenay-Latimer's recognition occurred on December 22; Smith did not inspect and conclusively identify the mounted specimen in person until February 1939.
The ballot asked Austrians to approve an annexation it stated had already been accomplished — and the printed “yes” circle was visibly larger than the “no.”
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The plebiscite was held on 10 April 1938, in an Austria that German troops had occupied on 12 March and that annexation laws of 13 March had already declared part of the German Reich.
One mark on the ballot answered two questions at once: approval of the completed annexation and approval of Hitler's Reichstag list. The annexation law provided no mechanism by which a 'no' result could have reversed anything.
The manufactured electorate
Roughly 300,000 to 400,000 people were barred from voting — Jewish Austrians, Roma and Sinti, and known political opponents. The voting followed a month of propaganda, intimidation and terror.
For many participants the ballot was effectively public rather than secret: entering the booth looked suspicious, so voters often marked 'yes' outside it.
What 99.73 percent means
The regime announced 4,453,912 valid 'yes' votes against 11,929 'no' — 99.73 percent of valid votes, not of all Austrians. Official turnout was 4,471,618 of 4,484,617 listed electors, with 5,777 ballots invalid or disregarded. A separate vote in the pre-Anschluss German Reich the same day returned an official 99.01 percent.
Austrian historians differ over how much of the margin came from genuine enthusiasm, from intimidation, exclusion, public voting or falsification. The Documentation Centre of Austrian Resistance holds that wholesale direct falsification was not necessary to manufacture the appearance of unanimity.
The claim that the result personally astonished Hitler is not established by the sources consulted; a scholarly account says only that it exceeded Nazi leaders' expectations.
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Date corrected. The research places this at 1938-04-10.
What the sources leave uncertain
The date and official tabulation are well documented; what cannot be inferred from them is the result of a free vote.
Austrian historians differ over how much of the official margin came from genuine enthusiasm, intimidation, exclusion, propaganda, public voting, or direct falsification. The Documentation Centre of Austrian Resistance says wholesale direct falsification was not necessary to manufacture the appearance of unanimity.
A scholarly account says the result exceeded Nazi leaders' expectations, but the specific claim that it personally 'astonished Hitler' is not established by the consulted sources.
Warnings were kept deliberately local so the Japanese would not learn the plan — which left most villages downstream unaware that the river was coming for them.
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The June 5–7 dating in the listing belongs to work at the wrong site. Micah Muscolino's chronology places two failed attempts at Zhaokou on 4–6 June 1938, after which Chinese Nationalist troops excavated the Yellow River's southern dike at Huayuankou, north of Zhengzhou. Water spilled through the opening on 9 June.
The dike was opened primarily by excavation, not by simply blowing up a dam.
The Japanese vanguard was less than 50 kilometres away.
What the flood was meant to do
The operation was carried out under Chiang Kai-shek's command to cut the Long-Hai railway, stop the Japanese drive toward Zhengzhou, and cover the retreat and regrouping of Chinese forces.
Only people near the breach received meaningful warning; commanders feared wider notice would reveal the plan and accelerate the Japanese advance. The water moved slowly at first, then advanced southeast across the densely cultivated Henan plain at roughly 16 kilometres a day.
By 15 June it had reached the Long-Hai railway, and a Japanese spokesman acknowledged that it had completely checked the advance on Zhengzhou and would force a change of route toward Wuhan.
Counting the dead is itself disputed
Postwar damage tables covering 44 counties in Henan, Anhui and Jiangsu record 19,934,000 mu flooded — 35 percent of the recorded cultivated area — with 893,303 deaths and 3,911,354 people displaced across the prolonged 1938–1947 disaster.
Diana Lary gives 500,000 as the lowest death estimate. The figures are not interchangeable: immediate drownings cannot be cleanly separated from later deaths from hunger, disease, recurring floods and wartime disruption.
The flood bought time but did not end the campaign — Japanese forces redirected along the Yangtze and took Wuhan in October 1938.
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Date corrected. The research places this at 1938-06-09.
What the sources leave uncertain
The supplied June 5 and June 7 dating conflates work at different sites. Muscolino dates two failed Zhaokou attempts to June 4–6 and the successful release of water at Huayuankou to June 9.
Death estimates differ because sources count different territories, causes, and periods. Immediate drownings cannot be cleanly separated from later deaths caused by hunger, disease, recurring floods, and wartime disruption.
Postwar tables give 893,303 deaths and 3,911,354 displaced across 44 counties, while other scholarly estimates give approximately 400,000–500,000 or describe 500,000 as the lowest estimate. Every number needs its definition and time horizon.
The flood blocked the direct Zhengzhou route and bought time, but it did not permanently halt Japan's campaign: Japanese forces redirected toward the Yangtze and captured Wuhan in October.