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July 29, 1818

Augustin-Jean Fresnel

He handed it in three days before the deadline, signed with nothing but a motto: Natura simplex et fecunda.

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Three days before the deadline

On 29 July 1818 Augustin-Jean Fresnel presented his Mémoire sur la diffraction de la lumière to the Académie des Sciences in Paris.

It entered the competition for the Académie's 1819 biennial physics Grand Prix, whose submission deadline was 1 August 1818.

The Académie had announced diffraction as the prize problem on 17 March 1817, and François Arago and André-Marie Ampère encouraged Fresnel to enter.

What the memoir argued

Fresnel combined Huygens's wave construction with interference to give a mathematical explanation of diffraction fringes and of how little light penetrates the geometrical shadow.

It was not a restatement of Thomas Young: it removed Young's questionable reliance on reflection at an obstacle's edge and explained the fringes through interference among disturbances from different parts of a wavefront.

The entry was anonymous, identified only by the motto Natura simplex et fecunda — "Nature is simple and fertile" — until the sealed authorship note was opened.

The famous part happened later

No prize was awarded that day. Judging ran into 1819, and the committee — Arago, Siméon Denis Poisson, Pierre-Simon Laplace, Jean-Baptiste Biot and Joseph Louis Gay-Lussac — awarded the prize unanimously on 15 March 1819.

Poisson's derivation of a bright point at the centre of a circular obstacle's shadow, and Arago's test of it, belong to that review rather than to 29 July. Earlier experimenters had already observed the spot, so it was not an unprecedented phenomenon — deriving it from Fresnel's equations is what made it striking.

The full memoir was not printed in the Académie's Mémoires until 1826, at pages 339–475 of volume 5.

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January 30, 1820

Edward Bransfield

The only surviving description of the moment was written by a midshipman. Bransfield's own log disappeared after it was sent to the Admiralty.

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Land at about twenty past three

On the afternoon of 30 January 1820, Midshipman Charles Poynter recorded that land appeared south-by-west after clouds and mist cleared. What the expedition saw was the mountainous northern end of today's Antarctic Peninsula.

Poynter's entry came about twenty minutes after three enormous icebergs had caught the crew's attention; he put the land at approximately 3:20 p.m.

They saw mountains, glaciers and icefields, but fog, poorly known waters and the fear of running aground kept them from landing that day.

A 216-ton brig with a sealer aboard

Edward Bransfield commanded the brig Williams, registered at 216 tons, with the merchant captain William Smith aboard — Smith had discovered the South Shetland Islands, and the ship was his.

They had sailed south from those islands into the strait now named for Bransfield, after the senior naval officer William Shirreff ordered him to investigate and survey Smith's discovery.

"Royal Navy captain" is imprecise for Bransfield in the rank terminology of the time: he was a ship's master serving as commander.

Who saw Antarctica first is still argued

The sighting was an unambiguous observation of rocky, mountainous Antarctic land. Whether it was the first human sighting of continental Antarctica remains disputed.

Fabian Gottlieb von Bellingshausen's Russian dates were kept in the Julian calendar and are usually converted to shortly before Bransfield's sighting, but scholars disagree over whether his crew saw a continental ice coast, an ice shelf or only sea ice; a 2019 Polar Record reassessment places Bellingshausen's first ice-coast sighting in mid-February.

Poynter wondered whether the sighting resolved the disputed existence of a southern continent — weaker than the claim that Bransfield positively established a continental land mass.

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Date disputed. Sources disagree about when this happened.

What the sources leave uncertain

  • Bransfield’s sighting on 30 January is well documented; the uncertainty concerns priority and what qualifies as “discovering Antarctica.”
  • Bellingshausen’s Russian dates were recorded in the Julian calendar. Converted dates are generally placed shortly before Bransfield’s sighting, but scholars disagree about whether his crew saw a continental ice coast, an ice shelf, or only sea ice.
  • A 2019 Polar Record reassessment argues that Bellingshausen’s first ice-coast sighting occurred in mid-February rather than late January. Other historians continue to give the Russian expedition priority.
  • Poynter wondered whether the sighting resolved the disputed existence of a southern continent. That is weaker than the listed title’s claim that Bransfield positively established an entire continental land mass.

Checked against

March 26, 1820

First Vision

The date on the calendar entry — 26 March — appears in none of Joseph Smith's own accounts of the vision.

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A day nobody wrote down

The best-known account, composed beginning in 1838, dates the experience only to a clear morning early in the spring of 1820. It supplies no day and no month.

26 March is a modern conjecture assembled from calendars, weather records kept in a different location, assumptions about farm work, and that phrase "early in the spring."

No contemporaneous 1820 record of the vision is known; the earliest surviving narrative was written around 1832.

Four accounts, one in his own hand

Smith or his scribes produced four firsthand accounts — circa 1832, 1835, 1838–1839 and 1842. Only the circa-1832 history contains some of his own handwriting.

The 1838 version says he went alone into woods near his home and prayed aloud to ask which church was right, felt overpowered and unable to speak, then saw a pillar of light and two personages, one introducing the other as his beloved Son. He was told to join none of the existing denominations, and said he found himself lying on his back afterwards.

The circa-1832 account stresses instead his search for forgiveness and his conclusion that the denominations had departed from New Testament Christianity, saying he saw "the Lord" — and it places the experience in his sixteenth year, pointing to 1821, a discrepancy the Joseph Smith Papers editors note explicitly.

What history can check

Historians can verify the existence, dates and contents of Smith's later accounts. Historical research cannot independently verify the reported supernatural appearance.

The exact spot is not identified in any of the accounts. The traditional Sacred Grove lies on or near the Palmyra–Manchester boundary by the Smith farm, not in Palmyra village.

No independently documented public or institutional change is tied to that morning; in his retrospective account Smith told his mother that Presbyterianism was not true, and later told a Methodist preacher, who dismissed the vision.

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Traditional date. Conventionally dated here; the research places it at ~1820.

What the sources leave uncertain

  • 26 March 1820 is a modern conjecture based on calendars, weather records from a different location, assumptions about farm work, and the phrase “early in the spring.” It is not stated in any primary account.
  • The best-known 1838 account dates the experience to early spring 1820, while the circa-1832 manuscript places it in Smith’s sixteenth year, pointing to 1821. Joseph Smith Papers editors explicitly note this discrepancy.
  • Historians can verify the existence, dates, and contents of Smith’s later accounts, but historical research cannot independently verify the reported supernatural appearance.
  • The exact spot is not identified in Smith’s accounts. The traditional Sacred Grove lies on or near the Palmyra–Manchester boundary by the Smith farm.

Checked against

June 24, 1821

Second Battle of Carabobo

The fight that broke Spain's main field army in Venezuela lasted less than an hour, and much of Bolívar's own army never got into it.

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The savanna southwest of Valencia

On the morning of 24 June 1821, Simón Bolívar's republican army confronted Miguel de la Torre's royalist army on the Carabobo savanna, southwest of Valencia.

The republicans numbered approximately 6,000 and outnumbered the royalists by perhaps a thousand, in the estimate of the Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture.

Finding the royalist centre and left protected, Bolívar sent José Antonio Páez's First Division through difficult ground to turn the royalist right.

Who paid for the flank

Bolívar's report says the troops crossed a narrow stream under fire and enveloped that flank; his order of battle assigns Páez 1,500 horsemen besides the British Battalion and the Bravos de Apure.

The Bravos de Apure came under intense fire at first. The British Battalion helped sustain the attack and lost heavily among its officers, its commander Thomas Ilderton Ferrier among them.

Republican cavalry then exploited the collapsing royalist flank.

Under an hour, and not the end of the war

Only part of the Tiradores Battalion from Manuel Cedeño's Second Division entered the main action. Cedeño and Ambrosio Plaza were both killed after separately throwing themselves against royalist infantry.

The whole battle took less than an hour. Republican losses are reported at approximately 200 killed and wounded; roughly half the royalist force was captured and the rest fled toward Puerto Cabello, leaving artillery and ammunition behind.

Pedro Camejo died at Carabobo, but his famous farewell dialogue with Páez was popularised in a literary retelling decades later.

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What the sources leave uncertain

  • Published troop and casualty totals vary considerably. The fact sheet uses the estimate in the Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture rather than the larger unsourced ranges repeated online.
  • Bolívar’s dispatch was written immediately after victory and is indispensable for the republican order of battle, but it is also a victor’s official report.
  • Detailed casualty totals for the British Battalion and the precise number of royalists reaching Puerto Cabello are inconsistent across later accounts.
  • Pedro Camejo’s death is accepted, but the polished dying dialogue with Páez is best treated as patriotic memory or legend rather than a verified battlefield quotation.

Checked against

August 24, 1821

Treaty of Córdoba

Spain's newest chief of New Spain signed an independence settlement knowing Madrid had never authorized him to do it — and one small clause he accepted helped make a Mexican general's imperial throne possible.

24 August 1821: duplicate originals at Córdoba

On 24 August 1821, Agustín de Iturbide, commander of the Army of the Three Guarantees, met Juan O'Donojú, Spain's newly arrived captain general of New Spain, in the town of Córdoba, Veracruz. They signed the seventeen-article Treaty of Córdoba in duplicate, each keeping an original.

Article 1 declared the former New Spain a sovereign, independent nation: the Mexican Empire. O'Donojú signed knowing he had no authorization from Madrid to recognize any such thing — he judged, correctly, that Spanish authority could not recover a territory whose capital his opponents were besieging.

The clause that changed everything

The treaty broadly followed Iturbide's Plan of Iguala — constitutional monarchy, throne offered first to Ferdinand VII and then to named Bourbon princes — but with one crucial modification. Where Iguala required a monarch from a reigning European house, Article 3 allowed the Mexican Cortes to choose anyone at all if the Bourbons declined.

That small opening helped make Iturbide's own elevation possible: after Spain repudiated the arrangement, he was acclaimed by troops and crowds on 18 May 1822 and chosen emperor by Congress the next day.

What the signatures actually bought

In Article 17, O'Donojú undertook to secure the bloodless withdrawal of the Spanish troops still holding Mexico City. He subsequently helped overcome royalist resistance, and the arrangement was carried out: the garrison marched out on 21–22 September, the Army of the Three Guarantees entered on the 27th, and the Act of Independence followed a day later.

Spain's Cortes declared the treaty null in February 1822, precisely because O'Donojú had lacked authority — Madrid neither granted nor recognized Mexico's independence. Whether the treaty legally created that independence or formalized one already won in fact remains a debated constitutional question. Iturbide's own empire lasted barely ten months; he abdicated in March 1823.

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What the sources leave uncertain

  • The signing and date are secure; the treaty’s legal effect is the disputed issue.
  • O’Donojú represented the Spanish constitutional government as captain general and superior political chief, but he was not authorized to recognize the loss of New Spain.
  • Spain rejected the treaty and did not recognize Mexican independence until a later bilateral settlement.
  • The treaty confirmed much of the Plan of Iguala but also altered it, especially by allowing the Mexican Cortes to choose an emperor after the named princes refused.

Checked against

September 27, 1821

Army of the Three Guarantees

The independence army marched into the capital on Iturbide's 38th birthday, and the last of its columns was still entering after three in the afternoon.

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A procession, not a battle

Agustín de Iturbide led the Army of the Three Guarantees into Mexico City on 27 September 1821, a peaceful triumphal procession that handed effective control of the capital to the independence coalition.

It began between 8:30 and 9:00 a.m. Iturbide received a ceremonial gold key beneath a triumphal arch, then went on through San Francisco, Palafox and Plateros streets toward the former viceregal palace.

At the palace he addressed the population from a balcony and walked to the Metropolitan Cathedral for a religious service; about 16,000 officers and soldiers took part, and the entry continued until after 3 p.m.

Nobody had to fight for the capital

Juan O'Donojú, who had entered the city the previous day, waited for Iturbide at the former viceregal palace and joined the official reception.

He had signed the Treaty of Córdoba with Iturbide, then negotiated with Francisco Novella, the royalist authority in Mexico City; Novella recognised O'Donojú's authority and relinquished command, peninsular troops departed, and the capital was opened.

O'Donojú was not technically a viceroy: his titles were superior political chief and captain general of New Spain.

The declaration came the next day

27 September was the entry and occupation. On 28 September the Provisional Governing Junta convened, drafted, proclaimed and signed the Act of Independence of the Mexican Empire.

The same day the junta selected a five-member regency that included Iturbide and O'Donojú.

Spain never ratified the Treaty of Córdoba — it rejected the treaty in 1822 and did not formally recognise Mexican independence until 1836.

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June 14, 1826

Auspicious Incident

Before taking up his sword, Mahmud embraced and said goodbye to his three-year-old son Abdülmecid — then the only male heir the dynasty had besides the sultan himself.

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The 15th, not the 14th

The decisive suppression took place on 15 June 1826; the 14th refers to the outbreak on the preceding night.

Even that is contested. Khaled Fahmy dates the overturned cauldrons — the Janissaries' signal of revolt, the cooking pots that symbolised their regimental community — to the night of 14 June, while the TDV İslâm Ansiklopedisi chronology places the initial Etmeydanı assembly on the evening of the 13th.

The mutineers concentrated at Etmeydanı and attacked or looted officials' houses; they did not march straight on Topkapı Palace.

The sacred standard raised

Mahmud II's government raised the sacred standard, obtained a ruling authorising action against the rebels, and rallied loyal artillerymen, bombardiers, sappers, religious students, officials and Istanbul residents at Sultan Ahmed Mosque.

After the Janissaries refused a final demand to surrender, forces under Ağa Hüseyin Pasha and the grand vizier İzzet Mehmed Pasha attacked the Etmeydanı barracks.

Artillery commanded by Topçubaşı Numan and Kara Cehennem İbrahim Ağa set the barracks ablaze.

Four hours, then two days

The decisive fighting ran roughly four to five hours. By nightfall the barracks were a smoking ruin, Istanbul's gates were closed and organised resistance had ended.

Casualty figures are exceptionally unreliable: contemporary official reports, diplomatic estimates, rumour and later histories counted battle deaths, executions, exile and imprisonment differently. A modern synthesis gives approximately 2,000–3,000 deaths and executions across Istanbul and the provinces while stressing that no exact total is recoverable.

The corps was legally abolished two days later and replaced by the Muallem Asâkir-i Mansûre-i Muhammediye — a replacement army announced after the suppression, not the Eşkinci drill arrangement that had provoked the revolt.

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Date corrected. The research places this at 1826-06-15.

What the sources leave uncertain

  • The decisive suppression is securely dated June 15, 1826. The listed June 14 date refers to the outbreak on the preceding night.
  • Sources differ over the exact onset: Khaled Fahmy dates the overturned cauldrons to the night of June 14, while the TDV İslâm Ansiklopedisi chronology places the initial Etmeydanı assembly on the evening of June 13.
  • Casualty figures are exceptionally unreliable. Contemporary official reports, diplomatic estimates, rumor, and later histories variously counted battle deaths, executions, exile, and imprisonment. The TDV synthesis explicitly says an exact total cannot be established.

Checked against

March 26, 1827

Ludwig van Beethoven

A witness remembered lightning, a violent thunderclap and the unconscious composer raising a clenched hand — and wrote it down 33 years later.

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A quarter to six in the Schwarzspanierhaus

Ludwig van Beethoven died in the late afternoon of 26 March 1827, at approximately 5:45 p.m., in his apartment in Vienna's Schwarzspanierhaus, after several months of severe illness. He was 56.

His death certificate recorded "dropsy." Four abdominal punctures had been used during the final illness to drain the fluid accumulating from his severe ascites.

The illness had worsened dramatically since December 1826.

Two people in the room

A scholarly reconstruction of the surviving accounts places the composer Anselm Hüttenbrenner and Beethoven's housekeeper Rosalie, called Sali, present at the moment of death.

Hüttenbrenner himself referred to the other witness only as "Frau van Beethoven," and later writers have identified her variously as a sister-in-law or as Sali.

His account of the thunder and the raised, clenched hand was set down in 1860, roughly 33 years afterwards, and belongs to his recollection rather than to independently verified record.

What the autopsy found

Johann Wagner performed a post-mortem on 27 March that documented nodular cirrhosis, severe ascites, pancreatic disease, an enlarged spleen, kidney abnormalities and atrophied auditory nerves.

The cirrhosis is firmly established; its cause is not. A 2023 genomic study found a genetic predisposition to liver disease and evidence of hepatitis B infection, and alcohol consumption may also have contributed.

Friends printed and distributed a funeral invitation at once, the body lay in the apartment for visitors, and the procession and burial followed on 29 March.

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What the sources leave uncertain

  • The autopsy securely establishes advanced cirrhosis and ascites, but the cause of the cirrhosis remains debated. A 2023 genomic study found a genetic predisposition to liver disease and evidence of hepatitis B infection; alcohol consumption may also have contributed.
  • Hüttenbrenner recorded his dramatic thunder-and-raised-fist account in 1860, roughly 33 years later. The natural phenomenon and gesture should therefore be attributed to his recollection rather than presented as independently verified.
  • Hüttenbrenner referred to the other witness as 'Frau van Beethoven.' Later writers have variously identified her as a sister-in-law or the housekeeper Sali.
  • The exact date of the death-mask casting is disputed between March 27 and March 28; contemporary correspondence makes March 28 more likely.

Checked against

January 8, 1828

History of the Democratic Party (United States)

The supposed birthday of the national Democratic Party was two separate state campaign conventions — one in a Columbus courthouse, one in Indianapolis.

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What actually met that day

Jackson supporters from Ohio assembled at the courthouse in Columbus on 8 January 1828 to organise the state's presidential electoral ticket — 160 delegates from 54 counties.

Jackson supporters simultaneously opened an Indiana state convention at Indianapolis, 37 delegates from 20 counties, to form an electoral ticket and a statewide campaign organisation.

The date was chosen deliberately: it was the anniversary of Jackson's 1815 victory at the Battle of New Orleans.

Committees, tickets, and 2,000 German pamphlets

The Ohio convention appointed committees to recommend electors and prepare an address and resolutions, then reconvened on 9 January to adopt the reports and set up a statewide observation and vigilance committee. It authorised 2,000 copies of its proceedings in German.

Indiana's sessions ran through 10 January. It admitted ten Jackson-friendly legislators who had not been chosen as delegates, expanding to 47 participants from 25 counties, and selected five electors along with central, county and township committees.

Neither meeting was in Washington or Baltimore, and neither was a national convention.

No founding act to point at

No consulted primary, scholarly or official source documents a single nationwide act on 8 January that formally created the Democratic Party. Official institutional histories instead describe a Jackson coalition emerging over several years.

The Library of Congress dates the birth of the "Jackson party" to 1825, while the Senate describes the Democratic Party as the national coalition that backed Jackson when he won in 1828.

The first official Democratic National Convention met in Baltimore in May 1832, and the National Archives still lists Jackson as Democratic-Republican in its 1828 Electoral College table.

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Date disputed. Sources disagree about when this happened.

What the sources leave uncertain

  • January 8, 1828 is frequently given as a conventional founding date, but party formation was incremental and historians do not identify one universally authoritative act of creation.
  • The Library of Congress dates the birth of the 'Jackson party' to 1825, while the Senate describes the Democratic Party as the national coalition that backed Jackson when he won in 1828. The Library of Congress calls the 1832 Baltimore gathering the Democrats' first official national convention.
  • The documented January 8 events were separate state conventions in Columbus and Indianapolis. No reliable source consulted supports claims of a national founding convention in Washington or Baltimore that day.
  • Even official modern sources vary in their labels: the National Archives classifies Jackson as Democratic-Republican in its 1828 Electoral College table, illustrating that the party name had not yet stabilized.

Checked against

December 3, 1828

1828 United States presidential election

On the date remembered as Jackson's election, ordinary voters had already finished voting. Small groups of electors were meeting separately in their own state capitals.

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The electors, not the electorate

Presidential electors met separately in their states on 3 December 1828 — the first Wednesday in December, the voting date required by the federal election law then in force.

There was no single Electoral College assembly in Washington, and no nationwide popular Election Day that day: state-level appointment of electors happened on different dates, by popular voting in some states and legislative selection in others.

Maryland's surviving record shows how decentralised it was: its eleven electors met on 3 December and split six votes for Adams and five for Jackson.

178 to 83

The electors collectively gave Andrew Jackson 178 votes for president and the incumbent John Quincy Adams 83, against 261 total and a 131-vote majority threshold.

John C. Calhoun received 171 votes for vice president; Richard Rush received 83 and William Smith seven.

The reported popular vote was Jackson 642,553 to Adams 500,897 — a division of roughly 56.1% to 43.6%, narrower than the electoral margin.

Ten weeks in the mail

The signed certificates were sealed and transmitted to Washington. Congress did not open and count them until 11 February 1829.

Jackson remained president-elect until his inauguration on 4 March 1829, so "elected on 3 December" compresses a multi-stage constitutional process.

Party names were still unsettled: contemporary and archival sources describe Jackson's coalition variously as Democratic or Democratic-Republican.

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What the sources leave uncertain

  • December 3 was the Electoral College voting date, not a nationwide popular Election Day. State-level selection of electors occurred on different dates.
  • Congress formally counted and proclaimed the result on February 11, 1829. Thus saying Jackson was simply 'elected on December 3' compresses a multi-stage constitutional process.

Checked against

October 14, 1829

Rainhill Trials

Rocket's own endurance run had happened six days earlier. It won on the 14th because every remaining challenger failed, withdrew, or was refused another attempt.

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The last day at Rainhill

On 14 October 1829, the final day of the trials, Novelty's repaired apparatus failed again: a flue collapsed, steam pressure was lost, and its builders John Braithwaite and John Ericsson withdrew it.

Timothy Hackworth asked the judges for another trial for Sans Pareil, and was refused.

Perseverance could manage only about five miles per hour without a train, after which Timothy Burstall withdrew it too.

Not a race — an endurance test

Rainhill was a controlled test of load, speed, fuel consumption, smoke, weight, safety and reliability: twenty runs representing approximately 70 miles, separated by refuelling, over a short level course whose full-speed section was 1.5 miles.

Rocket had completed its measured test on 8 October, averaging 13.4 mph over the first half and 14.2 mph over the second.

The Liverpool and Manchester Railway's directors were using it to decide between self-propelled locomotives and fixed winding engines, with £500 advertised as the prize.

Winner on the day, prize weeks later

Rocket was left as the only entrant to have completed the prescribed trial without incident, and once the field had collapsed it ran back and forth in a demonstration reported at up to 35 mph.

The railway abandoned the plan to use fixed engines on the main route and ordered seven more Rocket-type locomotives from Robert Stephenson's firm.

A contemporary newspaper report reprinted by Tring Local History Museum says the directors adjudged the £500 prize on Tuesday 27 October, after receiving the judges' report — so 14 October is the competitive result, not the formal award.

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Date disputed. Sources disagree about when this happened.

What the sources leave uncertain

  • October 14 is securely documented as the final trial day and the day Rocket became the uncontested practical winner.
  • The exact formal-award date is less secure. A contemporary newspaper report reprinted by Tring Local History Museum says the directors adjudged the £500 prize on Tuesday, October 27, after receiving the judges' report. Therefore 'Rocket wins on October 14' describes the competitive result, not necessarily the board's formal award.
  • Accounts differ over whether Novelty's final failure was a flue collapse or failed sealing at recently repaired joints; both agree that it lost pressure and withdrew.

Checked against

September 15, 1830

Liverpool and Manchester Railway

Guests had been told to stay in their carriages at the water stop. William Huskisson stepped down to make peace with the prime minister, and was struck on the adjacent track.

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Eight trains out of Liverpool

The Liverpool and Manchester Railway formally opened between the two cities on 15 September 1830, with eight steam-hauled ceremonial trains leaving Liverpool carrying invited passengers.

Among them was the prime minister, Arthur Wellesley, Duke of Wellington. George Stephenson drove the leading locomotive, Northumbrian.

Rocket was in the procession but not at its head.

Seventeen miles out

At the scheduled water stop after seventeen miles, the Liverpool MP William Huskisson left his carriage and approached Wellington. Rocket, driven by Joseph Locke, struck and mortally injured him on the adjacent track.

George Stephenson took the injured man by train toward Eccles. Huskisson made a will and died at about 9 p.m.

Wellington initially wanted the proceedings stopped, but the subdued procession went on to Manchester because a large and increasingly restless crowd was waiting there.

Not yet a railway service

The day was an invitation-only ceremony rather than the first day of scheduled operation. Ordinary passenger travel began two days later, and goods traffic only on 1 December 1830.

"Operated solely by steam locomotives" also needs qualifying: the Liverpool inclines beyond Edge Hill were worked by ropes and stationary steam engines, with gravity downhill and horses for shunting.

The line's early signalling was railway policemen with hand-held flags by day and lamps by night, on track laid to a gauge of 4 ft 8.5 in.

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What the sources leave uncertain

  • The September 15 date is well supported by company and museum records.
  • Descriptions such as 'first modern inter-city railway' depend on definitions. Earlier railways carried passengers or used locomotives, but the Liverpool and Manchester combined inter-urban operation, company steam haulage, double track, signaling, and scheduled passenger service.
  • The main inter-urban run was locomotive-hauled, but the Liverpool inclines beyond Edge Hill used ropes, stationary steam engines, gravity, and some horse shunting. 'Operated solely by steam locomotives' therefore needs geographic and operational qualification.

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